Ardebil ownership of Safavids

Azerbaijan possesses ancient and rich traditions of statehood. There were such states in its history that they put deep trace in the ethnic memory and social life of the nation. The dynasty of Safavids distingnuishes with its characteristic specialities among these state formations.

There existed the Ardebil ownership of Safavids in the political map of Azerbaijan in the 15th century. Even in the period of Mongol supremacy in conquered muslim countries, there were quietly shaped various sufi-dervish trends (ordens and sects), which were widely spread among peasants and craftsmen. The one of such spiritual unions was the order of “Sefeviyye”, which was founded by Sheikh Safiaddin Ishaq al-Musavi al-Ardebili (1252-1334) in Ardebil. Sheikh Safiaddin entered to the Turkish history of sufizm as one of the representatives of the tradition of “Khorasan erens” and put unforgettable trace in the history of Front Asia and Caucasus. Sheikh Safi turned Ardebil into spiritual- ideological centre for the essential part of the population of Azerbaijan and Anatolia by creating sufi tekke in this city; Ardebil centre played great role in the development of Turkish culture and language and after two and a half century it transfermed into powerful Kizilbash state of Safavids.

The official muslim religion was sunnism at that time and shiism was pursued by leading classes as herecy. That is why, the victory of shiism, the belief to Imam Messi’s advent in the cognition of people related with the social reconstruction of the society, destruction of oppression and exploitation. Religious doctrine of shiism with its dogma about Imam Messi, who would be the fear ruler for people was widely spread among settled and nomadic population of Azerbaijan.

According to the legend, which shaped later, Sheik Safi was the successor of the seventh Shiit Imam, Musa Kazim in 21th generation, which raised him to the 26th generation of the prophet Muhammed’s clan by the vehicle of his daughter Fatima and his cousin, the fourth caliph Ali ibn Abu Talib.

Sheikh Safiaddin possessed great respect among the settlers of Ardebil, he had lots of murids, who implemented his orders unguestioning. Sheikh was well-known and gained recognition as the chief of the orden not only in Ardebil, but also in other regions of Azerbaijan, even in foreign countries-Rum (Minor Asia), Irag, Gilan, Fars (Persia). Sultans and other feudal owners, who were not oftenly appeared murids, were also included to this orden. Soon the major goal of the movement became the establishment of its state and capture of the political authority. There were essential land possessions of vaqf and other wealth under the order of the head and members of the orden.

The society of orden members was the theocratic organization, where Sheikh was simultaneously the spiritual and secular leader.

There existed suitable condition for antifeudal movements and ideologies in Azerbaijan in the examined period. There was preserved little amount of peasants, which were called “free” in 14th and at the end of 15th centuries. These “free” peasants were considered the owners of the lands that they planted but in reality, it was a fiction. Their “ownership” could be given to feudal, as lands of any rural community. So, most of the oppressing peasants consisted of the people, who were deprived from there lands, which were completely depended on feudals.

Main form of feudal exploitation of peasants was the lease. According to an ancient tradition the harvest was divided in five parts, depending on who the land, water, family, cattle, working land belonged to. In most occasions, peasants got 2/5 of harvest, but later they could not receive even a part of harvest; because of heavy taxes and obligations peasants had to give the essential part of harvest to the representatives of state authority and clergy.

The rural community produced many kinds of craft production and the city used semi-agrarian character in the examined period. The essence of the most part of cities was determined not by the amount of craftsmen, big and small merchants, but the presence of land-owning aristocracy, khans and their palaces here. The division of urban craftsmen into two groups is characteristic: free craftsmen, who united in guilds (akhies) and the craftsmen, who worked in workshops, belonged to feudal. The land in the city also belonged to feudals.

Firstly, the activity of the sect was implemented under religious cover, which later began to gain the specialties of the ideology of peasant uprisings. The members of the orden widely utilized from the antifeudal propaganda and rose for the abolishment of many taxes and obligations, which were not examined in the teaching of “Sefeviyye”.

That is why, ShirvanShah Akhisitan II’s accusation of the organization of “Sefeviyye” in the unimplementation of obligations by peasants at the end of the 13th century was not casual. There were a lot of akhies among the murids, at that time. They did not recognize the ruler as the governor of the Almighty in the land, as well as thought about his physical removal Safavids, which introduced themselves as upholders of facilitation of the circumstances of peasants and urban settlers, utilized from the wide disagreement, which increased in the state of Aghqoyunlu.

The connections of Safavids with Turkish tribes of Minor Asia were shaped in 13th-14th centuries. The author of “Tarikh-i-Amini”, Fazlullah ibn Ruzbikhan mentioned that “emirs of Talish turned his home into refuge and great people of Rome respected him”. More determine evidences about these ties referred to the period of Sheikh Khadje Ali (Sultan Ali). There exist such evidences that when Teymur returned from Minor Asian campaign, he passed through Ardebil. By the request of the Sheikh, the conqueror liberated Minor Asian captives and settled them in the environs of Ardebil for service to Safavid sheikh. According to Teymur’s order, the governor of Rome did not have to prevent the visit of Anatolian murids and their murshid in Ardebil.

Sheikh appointed his representatives (caliph and pire) to all tribes in Minor Asia. The successor of these captives got the fame of “Roman sufies” (“sufiyan-i-rumlu”).

The ties of Safavids with the Turkish tribes of Minor Asia, Azerbaijan and Northern Syria strengthened in the second half of the 15th century, in the presence of Sheikh Cuneyd and Heydar.

The successors of Sheikh Safiaddin in Ardebil ownership were his son sheikh Sadiraddin (1334-1392), Hun sheikh Khadje Ali (1392-1427) and Sheikh Ibrahim (1427-1447), who was known as SheikhShah. They were the inherited feudal owners of the vilayet of Ardebil. Namely, since this period the military-political organization of the order turned into theocratic state formation. Ardebil sheikhs gathered murids and gazies and created military troops from them. They organized campaigns to Norhtern regions under the sign of “gazavat” and with the slogan of “convert unbelievers to belief”. These campaigns aimed to teach their soldiers, check their power by conquering wealth and trophies. At first such uprising of Safavids happened in the presence of Sheikh Cuneyd (1447-1460). Cuneyd, who became the head of the sect in 1447, aimed  to conquer Shirvan, but he concealed his desire with the slogan of “gazavat against cherkesses”. Cuneyd passed through the lands of ShirvanShah with his permission and realized the campaign to Daghestan. The extension of these campaigns, the strengthening of influence and fame of sheikh Cuneyd as the “fighter for belief” confronted him with ShirvanShah Khalilullah I, who was supported by JahanShah Karakoyunlu. In 1449, Cuneyd, who was withdrown from Ardebil by JahanShah Karakoyunlu and went to Minor Asia, to the ownership of Karamanlu emirs. After the left of Cuneyd, the authority in Ardebil passed to the hands of his uncle, Sheikh Jafar. According to source evidences, he was the guardian in the presence of his young nephew, but according to other sources, he pretended to the title of chief (murshid) of “Sefeviyye” orden.

Cuneyd, who was in Karamanlu (Cilinika) made energic activity among the Turkish oghuz tribe of varsak. Sheykh, who was withdrown by local governor, came to the Northern part of Syria – the regions of Marat, Antakia and Kilis, which were depended on mamluk Sultan of Egypt. There was mentioned the name of another Turkish tribe- zulgadar in this region, among them Cuneyd made shiit propaganda as well. In the period of 1456-1459, Cuneyd arrived in the possessions of the governor of Diyarbakir, Uzun Hasan Aghqoyunlu, who was the rival of Karakoyunlu leaders. Cuneyd restored his campaigns to North Caucasus by the support of Uzun Hasan and confronted with open fought and obstacle of Farrukh Yasar (ShirvanShah). According to Abbasgulu agha Bakikhanov, in the battle with ShirvanShah on the shore of Samur river, in the village of Kepchak, which took place in 1460, Safavids forces were defeated and Sheikh Cuneyd was killed. The body of sheikh was buried on the shore of the river of the modern village of Khazm; although his remains were brought to Ardebil by Shah Ismail, there was constructed mousaleum and mosque in the area of first funeral of Cuneyd in 1544.

Successor and the son of Cuneyd, sheikh Heydar (1460-1499), who attained to the strengthening of military organization of the orden, brought special attribute to the history of this orden. By his order, soldiers-murids began to use chalma with 12 red lines on the honour of 12 shiit imams instead of Turkish bashliks. Related to this, all representatives of Safavids tarikat began to be called “kizilbashes” (“goldenheads”) and the established state was oftenly called “the state of Kizilbashes”. According to historical sources, Kizilbashes and their supporters began to call sheikh Cuneyd the God (Tanri) and his son  Heydar – “ibn Allah”. Murids, which came from Rum (Rome), Talish and Aracadagh considered young Heydar their kebla (side, which muslim people directed to the praying), thought that namaz (daily pray) and worship was irrelevant and as one of the sources mentioned, they learnt “teaching of Babek khurrami” from him.

Safavids sheikhs were not alone in the field of political fight. They were not reckoned with dogmatic circumstances of the sect in political agreements and relations. Sheikh Cuneyd, which considered himself the public crier of Shiit sect, was in military-political confrontation with JahanShah. Karakoyunlu, ratified shiism as the major trend of Islam in his state, since JahanShah was afraid of further extension of Safavids authority.

Due to not to be alone in this confrontation, Sheikh Cuneyd concluded military agreement with the ruler of Aghqoyunlu, Uzun Hasan, who maintained sunnism as state religion in the mid of 50s. Uzun Hasan, who aimed to get the support of Safavids Sheikhs in the fight with his enemy, JahanShah Karakoyunlu married his sister, Khadica Beyim with Sheykh Cuneyd. Later, his son Sheikh Heydar married to Uzun Hasan’s daughter, AlemShah Beyim and at the expense of dynasty marriage, he strengthened military-political intimacy to sunnite state of Aghqoyunlu. According to historian khondemir, Uzun Hasan was in friendly relationship with the succerssors of Sheikh Safiaddin. This evidence proved that, Safavids spiritual leaders, which united under the sign of shiism, were more the people of political thought than religious-confessional behavior.

In the presence of Sheikh Heydar (1459-1488) the number of the supporters of Safavids reached to 40 thousand soldiers. After the death of Uzun Hasan, Sultan Yaqub Mirza jeaulously pursued the strengthening of Safavids rulers. He had already considered the shaped, mutual intimacy dangerous and irrelevant.

Sheikh Heydar continued his father’s policy. He increased the military power of the orden, began to relyon the Turkish tribes of afshar, kacar, Zulqadar, tekeli, ustacli, shamli, rumlu, which lived in Azerbaijan, Anatolia and Syria. The tribes of shamli and rumlu, which completely were given to the authority of sheikh Khadje Ali after Teymur’s battle in Ankara, in 1402, lived in Azerbaijan. Tekeli and Zulqadar passed front Anatolia and settled here as well. Ustacli lived in the district of Kars and Chukhursaad. Afshars and kacars had settled in Azerbaijan even in the period of Mongolian invasions. These tribes were completely or partly considered “Sufies”, “murids” of the orden and were the basics of Safavids troops. The major goal of Sheikh Heydar (as his father Sheikh Cuneyd) was the extension of his influence and the establishment of independent state; this aim shaped doubt of the rulers of existed states in the territory of Azerbaijan at that time.

Sheikh Heydar’s behavior proved these doubts. Major objects of Kizilbash invasions was Daghestan in the presence of Heydar. Safavids, who began their campaign from Ardebil, passed through the territory of Shirvan state, “where they were engaged in robbery, murder of people and their cattle”. His first two campaigns, which reached from Derbend to Kabarda, disturbed ShirvanShah Farrukh Yasar (1462-1500) a lot.

Despite of it, Sheikh Heydar managed to get permission to the third campaign from his uncle, Sultan Yaqub by the vehicle of his mother.

Nevertheless, along with “cherkessian qayurs”, he plundered Christian environs of Aghdere, Barda district of Karabakh. This event shaped great disagreement in Tabriz: the environs were the ownership of chief/prime kadiya of the state as “olke” and payed cizya to him.

Kizilbash troops, which directed to Shamakha, were smoothed out its population too. Farrukh Yasar and Sultan Yaqub perceived Sheikh Heydar’s activity as willfulness and robbery.

Farrukh Yasar, who understood that he would not be able to confront with sheikh Heydar lonely, appealed to his son-in-law, Sultan Yaqub Aghqoyunlu, who wanted to be saved from his dangerous nephew-sheikh and decided to support ShirvanShah. On June 9, 1488, on the foothills of Shahdagh in Tabasaran, there took place bloody battle between the 4 thousandth cavalry of Aghqoyunlu, led by Suleiman bey Bidjan-oghlu for the help of ShirvanShah and the troops of Sheikh Heydar. Kizilbashes were defeated in this battle. Even the historians, who considered Kizilbashes their enemies, wrote about the personal heroism of Sheikh Heydar. But Sheikh Heydar was killed in the battle, his head was firstly sent to Sultan Yaqub, then to his mother, Khadica Beyim.

After this failure of Safavids, Sultan Yaqub conquered Ardebil and destroyed the remains of gazi sects, who survived in Shirvan and returned home. Sultan Yaqub put into dungeon three little sons of Sheikh Heydar in the Armenia temple, on the isle of Akhtamar, in the lake of Van.

In the struggle for the throne of Aghqoyunlu state after Sultan Yaqub’s death, elder son of Sheikh Heydar, Sheikh Sultan Ali supported Rustam Mirza against Baysunqur and sent to his aid the forces of kacar, karamanlu and shamlu tribes. Rustam Aghqoyunlu liberated sheikh  Heydar’s sons from the dungeon as soon as he came to the throne. He gave Ardebil and the possessions of Sheikh Heydar to his elder son – teenager Sultan Ali. Relationship between Rustam Aghqoyunlu and Farrukh Yasar were spoilt since the first days. New padiShah of Aghqoyunlu state aimed to utilize from Safavids against his enemies, by giving their possessions and power in Ardebil back. In 1495, Sultan Ali, who had been teenager yet, entered to the decisive battle with the enemies of Safavids. His military heroism frightened Rustam Aghqoyunlu as future enemy. Rustam turned back upon Sultan Ali, whom he brought to political arena himself. Sultan Ali died in the battle in Shamasi, near Ardebil, which took place in 1495, between him and the military commander of Rustam padiShah-Ayba Sultan; but before his death (1494), Sultanali appointed his little brother Ismail his successor over the authority of the orden.

After the destruction of Kizilbash troops on Shamasi, leading compraders-in-arms of Safavids aided two sons of Sheikh Heydar, Ismail and Ibrahim, who were survived to hide in Ardebil. Rustam padiShah, who was afraid of the wide extension of Safavids influence, aimed entirely to destroy whole clan of Safavids. Prominent Azerbaijan historian, great researcher of the history of Safavids state – O.A.Efendiyev widely studied the events after the death of Sultan Ali, which certainly played an important role in the further history of Safavids. Ayba Sultan get an order of Rustam to find Ismail and his brother in each case; he seeked Ardebil “quarter by quarter, home by home” but unsuccessfully. The aunt of Ismail, by the origin of his father, Pasha khatun brought Ismail to the home of a women, called Uba Carraha (i.e. Uba-doctor) from the tribe of zulgadar. Her house was located in the quarter of “Rumiytsev” – successor of Ottoman captives of Teymur, which were liberated and settled in Ardebil with the request of Khace Ali. When Uba learnt that, Ayba Sultan’s men began the search in her quarter, she carefully brought Ismail to the mosque of Ardebil, put him into crypt, where Allahvermish ahga was buried. Uba regularly informed AlemShah beyim that her son was safe and sound. After a while Uba felt that it became necessary to change Ismail’s settlement. Accidentally, one of kizilbash emirs, who were wounded in the battle with Ayba Sultan and who appealed to Uba for help also was in this mosque. This murid informed Ismail that 80 sufies, who survived by escaping from the Shamasi battle and hid in the forests of the Bagrov mountain, in Ardebil “seeked circumstances to serve him”. With Uba’s advice, this murid directed to that mountain, in order to warn Rustam bey Karamanly, who also was among those kizilbashes about Ismail. In the midnight, Rustam bey and his men entered to the city, brought Ismail from the mosque, hid the boy in the house of Karkay Farrukhzad the Khatib of the village and directed to the above-mentioned mountain. Mansur bey Kepchak, Hussein bey Lele, Khadim bey Khalife, Dede bey Gek and other sufies began to advise that how and where they would be able to protect their young leader. There was decided to direct to the house of Amir Ishak – the governor of Resht with the sons of Sheikh Heydar. Amir Ishak was in close relations with Muhammed bey Turkman (the husband of Pasha Khatun – Ismail’s aunt) and his brother Ahmed bey. Ismail was accompanied by Ahmed bey and his brother, Muhammed bey Turkman (with his troop that consisted of 80 kizilbashes) in this travel. First of all, they came to the house of Amir Muzaffer – the governor of Tulunav. Ayba Sultan, who learnt about it, sent a horseman with the letter to Amir Muzaffar, in which he demanded to give sheikh Heydar’s sons. Amir Muzaffar sent the brother to Keshker and entrusted them to the local governor, Amir Siyavush, who accepted them in his house. On the fourth day, Ismail directed to Resht. Despite of the invitation of Resht governer, comprades-in-arms of Ismail preferred to settle him in “White mosque”.

Local settler, called Amire Nadjm, who was the owner of jewellery shop that was located in the neighbourhood of the mosque, regularly served Ismail in Resht. Staunch murids considered that Resht was dangerous for Ismail as well and that’s why they helped him to come to Lahican, to the palace of the governor of Biyepish district of Gilan, Mirza Ali Karkiya. In Lahican Ismail and his supporters were accepted gladly and they were settled in front of the Medrese Kay Afridun. Karkiya Mirza Ali payed attention to his respectful guests. One of the prominent scientists of this region, Shamsaddin Lahici was appointed the tutor of Ismail and his brother – he taught them Arabic and Persian languages, as well as reading Kor’an.

Simultaneously, Rustam Aghqoyunlu did not lose his hope to defeat Ismail. As soon as Ismail escaped to Gilan, Ayba Sultan managed to capture Uba Carraha and learnt the whereabauts of Ismail in Ardebil.

By the order of Rustam she was executed in bazaar square of Tabriz. The properties of Muhammed bey and his brother, Ahmed bey, who aided to the escape organization of Ismail were confiscated by the authority. Rustam padiShah sent several threatening letters to Karkiya Mirza Ali, demanding to surrender Ismail, but the governor of Lahican rejected with different excutes.

Ismail stayed in Lahican about 6 years. It was necessary for coming of age attaining to his majority and preparing to new invasion.

Everything was decided by Kizilbash emirs, who considered that strife among Aghqoyunlu kings and collapse of their state should facilitate triumph of Ismail and the movement of kizilbashes. Plenty of supporters from Rum, Karajadagh, Ahar came here, to show their devotion to Ismail and there was founded the ground of future victories.

Even in 13th age of Ismail, his physical, academic and military cognitions heralded about future achievements. In August of 1499, Ismail left Lahican. He was accompanied by his closest defenders – Hussein bey Lele Shamlu, Abdulali bey Dede, Khadim bey Khulafa, Rustam bey Karamanlu, Baryam bey Karamanlu, Ilyas bey Kheneslu and Karapiri bey Kadjar. Major goal was to collect much more murids to the orden of “Sultaniyye”. When they approached to Khalkhal, the number of kizilbash soldiers, who gathered around Ismail, reached to 1500 people. Main aim in this phase was to collect many murids under their orden of “Sefeviyye” in a short time. They arrived in Tarom through Deylem. Here, troops of Shamlu and Rumlu tribes joint to them and so, the number of Kizilbashes reached to 1500 brave soldiers. Ismail moved from Tarom to Khalkhal and then to Ardebil. But, the local governor of Aghqoyunlu did not permit Ismail to stay in the land of his ancestors, he and his followers had to leave the city. Moving to the North, Ismail’s troop arrived in Arcevan in the region of Astara, where he passed the winter of 1499/1500. Ismail and his cavalry passed winter in the shore of Caspian Sea in Arcevan. It made a chance to create ties with the supporters of Safavids in the South Azerbaijan. Here the agents of Alvend Aghqoyunlu and ShirvanShah Farrukh Yasar attempted to kill Ismail, but their conspiracy was prevented at the expence of the devotion of Talish governor, Mirza Muhammed and Kizilbash leaders.

Kizilbash leaders decided to go to Eastern Anatolia – to Erzincan, through Goycha deniz (modern Sevan), which was settled by Shiites and Turks and sent their men to all kizilbashes with the message about preparation to a compaign. When Kizilbash troop arrived in the southern shore of the Goycha, one of the grandsons of JahanShah Karakoyunlu, Sultan Hussein, who governed here warned about his desire to join to kizilbashes and tried to entice into trap Ismail. But kizilbash leaders learnt this, dissuaded Ismail from staying here and left these areas at night, moving to the direction of Cukhursaad (district of modern Iravan), then they settled in Shorakel. Sources mention that  troops of kizilbashes consisted of karadaghians, shamlu, zulkadarlu, areshians, talishes at that time and kizilbashes of Minor Asia, commanded by Karaca Ilyas Bayburtlu and oghuz tribes of Ustaclu joint to them in the region of Shoragyol.

Soon, the tribes of shamlu, which lived in the basin of the Kiziluzen river jointed to them. In the spring of 1500, there was made decision to pass to Erzincan, in order to unite with their supporters in Anatolia. Neverthless, kizilbashes did not direct there directly, but through the district of Goycha. The tribes of Areshlu and Zulkadar joint to them too. In the approach to Erzincan the number of soldiers- murids, who joint to Ismail increased – in the autumn of 1500, Ismail had already 700 gazies. They were the representative of tribes of ustaclu, shamlu, rumlu, tekeli, afshar, kadjar, varsak, as well as “sufies from Karajadagh”.

There was no any plan about further activities among kizilbash beys. A part of them suggested to collect much more troops in Erzincan, to go to Aghqoyunlu, but another those, who wanted to make invasion against Farrukh Yasar without waiting for the ending the winter won this polemies. Both young Ismail and his closest Kizilbash beys considered that, namely ShirvanShah Farrukh Yasar was guilty in the death of his grandfather, father and elder brother. Political circumstances were suitable for the campaign. A year before, the state of Aghqoyunlu was divided into two parts. The state of Shirvan was alone. Shiitism and kizilbash movement that rose under this sign extended and strengthened not only in Azerbaijan, but also in Anatolia, Persian Irag and Arabic Irag, and Turkish tribes, which lived in these countries became the military-social pillar of Safavid dynasty.

The appearance of Ismail began in the period of complete destruction in the Aghqoyunlu properties, which was persuing by the increasement of national disagreement and aggravation of strife among the clans of feudal aristocracy. It was differed from previous uprisings with the wide social basics. Along with kizilbash tribes, representatives of trade circles and craftsmen also took part in these uprisings. Decisive factor, which provided the success of these movement was its support by the nation – peasants and ordinary nomads.

Several authors maintained this thought that major mass of military forces of Ismail constituted by the kizilbashes from Minor Asia (Anatolia) and Syria, i.e. the participation of Azerbaijan population in the movement of Ismail was significant. According to Turkish historian, F.Sumer, the head of Safavids orden was in the Azerbaijan city of Ardebil, but his body was in Anatolia. At the expense of the movement of Ismail to Erzincan as the historian mentioned, “the head united with the body”. By the way, the evidences of sources gave us chance to notice that “the body” was also within the historical territories of Azerbaijan Turks – Eastern Anatolia, together with Erzincan consitituted the properties of Aghqoyunlu dynasty, which ruled in Azerbaijan at that time.

Prominent historian, I.P.Petrushevsky divides the history of the Safavids state into four periods. According to him, the first period continued from the end of the 13th century till 1477 and distingnished with wide activity of Safavids and the members of the orden of “Sefeviyye” about the dissemination of shiitism, as well as the organization of antifeudal uprisings of popular mass. In that period the authority of Safavids had not passed beyond Ardebil and its circult yet.

The second period – the years of 1447-1501. In this period Safavids, who were the independent representatives of feudal clergy, did their best to occupy the leading position in political life of Azerbaijan.

The third period – the years of 1501-1587. In this period the power of Safavids passed the outside of Ardebil and extended in the whole Azerbaijan, it played more essential role in socio-economic and cultural life of the country.

During the fourth period, which according to I.P.Petrushevsky surrounded the years of 1587-1736, there happened changes in the essence of Safavid state, its capital was moved from Tabriz to Isfahan.

So, the period of Ardebil possession of Safavids was considered the period till 1501. Decisive events in the organization of future statehood under the authority of Safavids dynasty should be considered the movement of Ismail and his supporters from the shore of Goycha-deniz to Erzincan, the joining of tribes of ustaclu and Anatolian kizilbashes in the region of Chukhursaad and Mingyol, the addition of Karadagh sufies through Sarigaya passage and finally, the admittion of historical decision in Erzincan assembly about the necessity of immediate campaign to Shirvan against Farrukh Yasar.